Agnes de Courtenay was the power behind
Baldwin IV’s throne and she was a viperous enemy of my leading female
character, Maria Comnena. Because of both these roles in history, I had to cede
her a place in my novels. Furthermore, despite an attempt by historian Bernard
Hamilton to rehabilitate her, the commentary of contemporaries and indeed the naked record
of her actions condemn Agnes as a singularly stupid woman whose influence on
her son was almost entirely negative. Something which, admittedly, fit in with
her being the arch-enemy of Maria and so a prime candidate for a negative
character in my novels. All novels need some negative characters after all….
So who was Agnes de Courtenay?
Agnes was the daughter of Joceyln II,
Count of Edessa, who lost his county to the Saracens, in large part due to neglect
and poor leadership. The city of Edessa was lost to Zengi in November 1144, and by 1150
the last remnants of the once rich and powerful County were in Saracen hands.
Joscelyn II himself was captured in the same year by Nur al-Din and tortured.
He eventually died, still in captivity, in 1159. As a result, Agnes de Courtenay did not
have an easy childhood. She had been married, possibly at an early age, to
Reynald of Marash, who was killed in battle in 1149. The following year, her
father was captured and never seen again. In just six years, her family had fallen from one of the richest and most powerful in the crusader states, to the status “poor
cousins” living on a few estates in Antioch that Agnes’ mother had from her
first marriage. Agnes was a widow with no land and no dowry. She was also
probably no more than 10 or 12 years old, as she would have had to be at least
8 at her marriage to Reynald.
According to historian Malcolm Barber, she was
next betrothed to Hugh d’Ibelin (Balian’s oldest brother), but instead married
Prince (later King) Amalric of Jerusalem. Whether she did this voluntarily is
not recorded. She might have been seduced or abducted, but she might also have
been very happy to give up the comparatively obscure and unimportant Hugh in
favor of the heir apparent to the throne.
While historians can leave unanswered the question of her feelings, a
novelist cannot. Agnes’ feelings toward Hugh d’Ibelin are critical to the
character Agnes in any novel about the Ibelins.
The (historical) plot thickens, however,
when at the death of Baldwin III, who was childless, the High Court of
Jerusalem refused to acknowledge his next of kin, Baldwin’s younger brother
Amalric, as King of Jerusalem unless he set Agnes aside. Why, we do not know.
There was the issue of being married within the prohibited degrees on
consanguinity, and the issue of the pre-contract with Hugh d’Ibelin, both of
which were canonical grounds for divorce. However, the objections of the High
Court are not likely to have been legalistic in view of the fact that the High
Court explicitly recognized Amalric’s children by Agnes as legitimate. This strongly suggests that the High Court
was not uneasy about the legality of
Amalric’s marriage but rather about
the character of his wife. Regardless of their reasons, such action could only have infuriated and enraged
Agnes herself. Rather than becoming Queen, she was repudiated and sent back to
her former betrothed (or husband) Hugh d’Ibelin.
While historians don’t particularly need
to figure out why Agnes was so despised by the High Court (the fact that she
was is enough), for a novelist there is a gold mine here. It appears that Agnes
was considered a ‘bad woman.’ Some historians have suggested that meant nothing
more than that she was a Courtenay and expected to favor her family, but that
was quite normal in the Middle Ages and hardly seems to justify such an unyielding
stance on the part of the High Court. To the novelist, the insinuations that she was a woman of “easy virtue”
― alleged to have had affairs with a bishop (the later Patriarch Heraclius) and
with Aimery de Lusignan is far more intriguing―even if not proved.
Likewise, while Agnes’ feelings do not much interest historians,
they are hugely important to a novelist. How would a woman, who undoubtedly
felt she ought to be queen, feel
about the man she is forced to (re)marry to after losing a crown? It hardly seems
likely that she was fond of Hugh under the circumstances, and the fact that the
marriage was childless suggests it may have been no more than nominal. Certainly
she was credited with hating the woman who took her place in Amalric's bed and became -- what she could not be -- his queen:
the Byzantine princess Maria Comnena. Maria was latter wife of Balian d’Ibelin.
But before that happened, Agnes had a
stroke of luck. In 1176 Baldwin IV took the reins of government for himself and
he invited his mother to his court.
Within a few short years, Agnes had succeeded in foisting her candidates for
Seneschal, Patriarch and Constable upon her young and dying son. These were
respectively: 1) her utterly underwhelming brother, Jocelyn of Edessa, 2) the
controversial figure Heraclius, who may not have been as bad as his rival
William of Tyre claims and may not have been Agnes’ lover as the Chronicle of
Ernoul claim, but hardly distinguished himself either, and finally 3) an obscure
Frenchmen, also alleged to have been Agnes’ lover, Aimery de Lusignan. Not a
terribly impressive record for “wise” appointments – even if Aimery de Lusignan
eventually proved to be an able man.
Her next acts of influence, however,
were little short of calamitous: she arranged the marriage of her son’s two
sisters (and heirs), Sibylla and Isabella, to men of her choosing. We are
talking here about Guy de Lusignan and Humphrey de Toron respectively.
The latter was a man of “learning,” who distinguished himself by cravenly vowing allegiance to the former after Guy seized power in a coup d’etat that completely ignored the constitutional right of the High Court of Jerusalem to select the monarch. Toron then promptly got himself captured at Hattin. Although he lived a comparatively long life and held an important barony, he apparently never played a positive role in the history of the kingdom. Not exactly a brilliant match or a wise choice for the future Queen of Jerusalem.
The latter was a man of “learning,” who distinguished himself by cravenly vowing allegiance to the former after Guy seized power in a coup d’etat that completely ignored the constitutional right of the High Court of Jerusalem to select the monarch. Toron then promptly got himself captured at Hattin. Although he lived a comparatively long life and held an important barony, he apparently never played a positive role in the history of the kingdom. Not exactly a brilliant match or a wise choice for the future Queen of Jerusalem.
Agnes’ other choice, the man she chose
for her own daughter according to historian Bernard Hamilton, was even more disastrous. At best,
Guy de Lusignan was freshly come from France, young, inexperienced and utterly
ignorant about the situation in the crusader kingdoms. At worst he was not only ignorant but arrogant
and a murderer as well. He certainly alienated his brother-in-law King Baldwin
IV within a short space of time, and he never enjoyed the confidence of the
barons of Jerusalem. The dying King Baldwin IV preferred to drag his decaying
body around in a litter -- and his barons preferred to follow a leper –- than
trust Guy de Lusignan with command of the army after 1183.
Nor was this mistrust of the baronage in
Lusignan misplaced. When Sibylla crowned her husband king and all the barons
but Tripoli grudgingly accepted him, he led them to the avoidable disaster at
Hattin. In short, Agnes de Courtney’s interference in the affairs of the
Kingdom of Jerusalem, led directly to the loss of the entire Kingdom. But by
then she was already dead.
As a novelist, I had no particular need
to alter any of these facts or to engage in any form of revisionism with
respect to Agnes. On the other hand, writing about history through the eyes of
the Ibelins presented me with a problem usually overlooked by historians and
novelists focused on the history of the kingdom.
Namely: Agnes was Balian d’Ibelin's sister-in-law. She must have
known both he and his brother very well, and their hostility to her (and vice versa) may
have had more personal than political reasons.
Historians tend to simply dismiss Ibelin
hostility to Agnes as “ambition” from a “notoriously” ambitious family. But
Balian and his brother belong only to the second generation of Ibelins, and they didn’t yet have a track
record of being particularly ambitious or successful for that matter. Indeed,
the Ibelins were hardly any different from any of the baronial families at this
point.
Alternatively, historians and novelists
point to Agnes’ “natural” hatred of Maria Comnena, who had replaced her in her
first husband’s bed and been crowned queen in her place. Certainly, this may
have been the root cause of the hostility between Agnes and Maria, and through
Maria to Balian and Baldwin d’Ibelin. But the tension might also have been
older and deeper. It might have gone back to Agnes’ abandonment of Hugh
d’Ibelin when he was in Saracen captivity just so she could marry the Prince of
Jerusalem. This is the thesis I chose to expound upon in my novels as it is
both logical and adds dimensions to the characters and their relationships.
There is doubt as to whether or not a grasping woman would choose to marry Prince William, rather than Baron Dacre? Really?
ReplyDeleteHer arrogance and ambition really come to the fore when one considers that she felt herself the equal -- in eligibility -- of a Princess of Byzantium.
Well thought and reasoned out, Professor.